Reflection on Taiwan’s Decolonisation Progress
While reading “Decolonization is not a metaphor” (Tuck & Yang, 2012), I have been reflecting on Taiwan’s situation. How well has Taiwan progressed in its decolonial efforts? Different peoples were colonised at different times, which makes decolonial thinking complex and difficult.
The history I learned in school was party-state history, presented from the Kuomintang (KMT) perspective, focusing heavily on Chinese history and minimised Taiwan local history and perspective. However, Taiwan is a multi-ethnic island nation, comprising aborigines of various ethnic groups, as well as Han Chinese who immigrated to Taiwan in several waves from China. To understand post-colonial and decolonialisation in Taiwan, I need to reread Taiwan’s history from a more comprehensive viewpoint. In the book “ A new illustrated history of Taiwan” (2016), Wan-Yao Chou incorporates the perspectives of Taiwan’s diverse ethnic groups. Reading this book has helped me rethink Taiwan’s past and the complexity of its ethnic relations.
Taiwan’s colonial history
Taiwan’s colonial history spans several centuries and involves multiple foreign powers. Indigenous peoples originally inhabited Taiwan. In the 17th century, the Dutch East India Company established a colony on the island, which they controlled from 1624 until 1662, governing 40–50 percent of the indigenous population.
In 1662, the Dutch were expelled by Zheng Chenggong, a Ming dynasty loyalist. This period lasted until 1683 when the Qing Dynasty annexed Taiwan, integrating it into the Chinese empire and ruling for over two centuries. These two periods marked the first wave of Han colonisation of the indigenous people.
The First Sino-Japanese War ended with the Treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895, ceding Taiwan to Japan. Under Japanese rule (1895–1945), Taiwan underwent significant modernization and infrastructure development but also experienced harsh assimilation policies and exploitation.
After World War II, Taiwan was placed under the administrative control of the Republic of China (ROC) following Japan’s surrender in 1945. However, the KMT treated the people of Taiwan as former Japanese subjects, leading to a form of colonisation by the Chinese.
In 1949, the ROC retreated to Taiwan after losing the Chinese Civil War to the Communists. They imposed martial law and totalitarian rule, forced Chinese-style party-state education, and suppressed native languages and cultures.
One characteristic of Taiwan’s colonisation is its experience of “successive colonial experiences” under the Qing Dynasty, Japan, and the KMT. Additionally, there was a concurrent structural “multiple colonisation” involving foreign regimes, Han Chinese immigrants, and aborigines (Wu, 2016).
The progress of decolonisation in Taiwan
Rwei-Ren Wu had deep thoughts on Taiwan’s post-colonialism. He thinks that Taiwanese cannot define Taiwan’s post-colonialism from a single viewpoint. The position of different ethnic groups within the historical structure influences their understanding of decolonisation (Wu, 2016).
From the viewpoint of the indigenous population, decolonisation signifies freedom from centuries of persistent exploitation by various immigrant regimes and the attainment of autonomy. This movement for liberation is ongoing, involving both political and cultural dimensions.
For Han Chinese who settled in Taiwan before World War II, decolonisation means freedom from KMT rule and the realization of the principle “Taiwan is for Taiwanese.” This political decolonisation was achieved in 2000 with a change in political parties. However, cultural decolonisation has yet to start because “China-centrism” still dominates, leaving the concept of “Taiwanese culture” undefined. Addressing cultural decolonisation and revitalizing local languages and history is the next crucial step (Wu, 2016).
For Han Chinese who arrived in Taiwan after World War II, decolonisation was achieved when Taiwan transitioned from Japanese to KMT rule in 1945. Culturally, they view the emergence of Taiwanese nationalism as a remnant of Japanese rule, despite decades of efforts to assimilate Taiwanese identity into Chinese nationalism (Wu, 2016).
Therefore, Wu argued that the primary challenge in Taiwan’s postcolonial discourse is not to merge these three conflicting historical perspectives, but rather to identify a potential alliance among them (Wu, 2016).
Reparation to the indigenous people
Even though Taiwan’s colonial history is as complicated as described above, the importance of successful reparation to the indigenous people remains unchanged. Over the past four hundred years, various regimes in Taiwan have severely infringed upon the rights of indigenous peoples through forceful conquest and land seizure. This includes the massacre and economic exploitation of the Pingpu ethnic group by the Dutch and Zheng Chenggong regimes, major conflicts and suppression during the Qing Dynasty, the extensive Riban policy under Japanese rule, and the post-war terrain leveling policy implemented by the ROC government.
On August 1, 2016, Indigenous Peoples’ Day, President Tsai Ing-wen, on behalf of the government, offered for the first time a formal apology for the suffering and unfair treatment endured by Taiwan’s indigenous peoples over the past 400 years. President Tsai announced that she would set up the Presidential Commission on Historical Justice and Transformative Justice for Indigenous Peoples (the Committee) and personally serve as its convener to address historical issues with representatives of various ethnic groups and negotiate the direction of follow-up policies on a reciprocal basis.
The Committee includes three subcommittees: the Subcommittee on Land Claims, the Subcommittee on History, and the Subcommittee on Reconciliation. These subcommittees will study relevant issues and present them for discussion at committee meetings. The convener may also enlist scholars and experts to serve as consultants to the committee.
Despite the committee’s efforts, the government has previously introduced bills related to the autonomy of indigenous peoples. However, these bills have been sent to the Legislative Yuan for review five times and have failed to pass. This indicates the need to build a consensus among all community sectors on indigenous peoples’ autonomy. This is the crucial area where we should concentrate our efforts now.
The decoloniality of thoughts
Finally, I would like to mention Taiwan’s progress in decoloniality. According to decolonial theory, while ‘colonialism’ ended with the political independence of the Global South, coloniality continues through entrenched Eurocentric colonial/modern values and worldviews that are institutionalized and spread via education, media, and state-sanctioned norms of language and behaviour. This coloniality perpetuates structural oppression of marginalized groups, such as Aboriginal people, whose alternative worldviews are devalued, excluded, and stigmatized in development and environmental management practices.
In my opinion, Taiwan has so far been deeply influenced by European and American values and has been aiming at Western definitions of ‘progress’ and ‘development.’ Taiwan, once a colony, has now become a member of the ‘developed’ world and is tied to the global supply chain. However, in this process, we have lost many of our local values and, in the name of development, we have missed many opportunities to preserve our local culture and treasures. Taiwan is still in the process of collectively defining its values and culture. I hope that, instead of being led by Western trends, we can look back at ourselves, cherish our local beauty and goodness, and discover what we truly want for a good life.
Conclusion
Reflecting on Taiwan’s decolonisation, it is evident that the island’s complex colonial history necessitates a nuanced approach to decolonial efforts. Taiwan’s history, often told from a Han Chinese perspective, overlooks the multi-ethnic composition of the island. The works of Wan-Yao Chou and Rwei-Ren Wu highlight the need to consider diverse ethnic perspectives and historical experiences. How do we build a consensus and respect among the different groups is essential for true decolonisation in Taiwan. Moving forward, embracing local values amidst global influences will define Taiwan’s path towards holistic cultural preservation and self-determination.
Reference
Wu, R.R. (2016) Prometheus Unbound: When Formosa Reclaims the World受困的思想, 衛城出版
Chou, Wan-Yao (2016). A new illustrated history of Taiwan 台灣歷史圖說, Taipei: Smc Publishing.
Tuck, E. and Yang, K.W. (2012). Decolonization is not a metaphor. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 1(1), pp.1–40.
Burkett, Maxine. 2009. Climate Reparations. Melbourne Journal of International Law 10 (October). https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=1539726.
Tsai, I. (2016). 總統代表政府向原住民族道歉. [online] Available at: https://www.president.gov.tw/news/20603.
President.gov.tw. (2022). 總統：促進各界對原住民族自治的共識 持續推動自治法案 落實原住民族自治的政策步伐. [online] Available at: https://www.president.gov.tw/NEWS/26576 [Accessed 24 Jun. 2024].
